Introduction: A New Paradigm for Peace and Stability
The enduring conflict in Gaza, Judea and Samaria has proven impervious to conventional peace negotiations and top-down political solutions. The entrenched power of militant factions, most notably Hamas, perpetuates cycles of violence, economic stagnation, and humanitarian crises. This framework proposes a bold, decentralized approach: the creation of semi-autonomous city-states governed by influential Arab clans under the aegis of Israeli sovereignty and Gulf-state economic patronage and the religious authority of the Saudi Custodians of Mecca and Medina. By exiling Hamas-aligned clans and repatriating diaspora members from neutral or opposition clans, this plan seeks to dismantle militant infrastructure while fostering local governance, economic revival, and sustainable stability. In parallel with this plan is a proposal to realistically allow for the free settlement of the Land by religious American and European Jews in a framework that does not violate halacha or traditional objections to participating in a secular Zionist government.
Colonial Legacies and the Failure of Artificial Nationalism
The collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War I left the Middle East vulnerable to Western colonial manipulation, resulting in the carving up of the region into artificial nation-states. The Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916, a clandestine accord between Britain and France, imposed arbitrary borders that ignored tribal affiliations, sectarian divisions, and the organic socio-political structures that had governed the region for centuries. T.E. Lawrence’s fever dream of introducing Arab Nationalism as a lever against the Ottomans is perhaps the best cultural reference point illustrating this misguided transposition of Western values and concepts in the Orient and was memorialized in the classic film Lawrence of Arabia. Yet, we still ignorantly imagine it to be feasible.
Colonial powers, enamored with their own ideological frameworks, sought to replace centuries of tribal and clan-based governance with fragile national identities that bore little resonance with the region’s inhabitants. In Palestine, the British Mandate (1920-1948) exacerbated tensions by fostering competing nationalist claims between Jews and Arabs, artificially pitting communities against one another within a framework alien to their social fabric. The eventual failure to create a cohesive Palestinian national identity stems from this colonial imposition, which overlooked deeply ingrained clan structures and the primacy of localized power. Even after awarding the lion’s share of Mandatory Palestine to Hashemite rulers, stability was elusive, due in no small part to considerations that the Hashemite minority of the newly formed State of Jordan was itself dissonant among the neighboring clans, eventually leading to the attempted overthrow of King Abdullah by Palestinian Socialist militias, themselves drunk on the promise of communist support in acquiring land for themselves in Israel and Jordan. Sooner than one might expect, there will be a time when the Hashemite clan will again find itself challenged by various Palestinian factions within its borders, and this framework provides a model of how to stabilize Jordan, as well as Lebanon, Iraq and Syria as well as the Kurdish regions as an alternative to the wholesale slaughter employed in the past.
Efforts to establish a centralized Palestinian state have consistently floundered due to the incompatibility of Western-style nationalism with the clan-centric political culture of Palestinian and Arab society as a whole. The ongoing fragmentation of authority between the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza underscores the absence of unified leadership, reflecting a broader rejection of externally imposed national frameworks. The only models of cohesion that bore some semblance of unification involved socialism (the PA, the Muslim Brotherhood), nihilism (the PFLP, Hamas) or medieval Islamism (Isis / Al Qaeda). All ended in failure. Other regional Arab States have likewise failed or fallen due to identically flawed post-colonial dynamics. Centralized Alawite, Baathist, or other minority sectarian dominance simply fails at a national level all across the region. Eventually, the oppressed clans overthrow their leadership. The Turkish government fails to respect this, as does the Iranian Regime, which may explain both the genesis of their regional ambitions, and the persistent success of their militant proxies. Of critical importance is the fact that neither the Turks or the Iranians are ethnic Arabs.
As a Biblical parallel, Ishmael’s descendants are notably comprised of Princes in juxtaposition to all other descendants of Abraham who have Kings, and all other major regional non-Ishmaelite ethnic groups such as the Assyrians, the Hittites, Edom, Arameans, Persians and Moabites, etc. This is how deeply rooted the concept of clan rule is for Arabic culture in stark contradistinction to other regional ethnic groups, regardless of their religious affiliations, underscoring the critical importance of a Western understanding of the failures of stability and peace in the region. Ishmaelite culture is fundamentally incompatible with central monarchy. Contrast this with the Jewish Nation, in exile for 2,000 years, which remains relatively homogenous and able to self-govern despite profound cultural diversity.
This historical context underscores why the vision of an independent Palestinian state remains elusive. A more viable and culturally attuned solution lies in acknowledging the traditional governance structures that continue to hold sway over Palestinian Arab society, and why we must abandon the colonial mythology of Arab Nationalism that serves as a cruel bludgeon against everyone living in the region. The proposed city-state model, grounded in clan-based leadership, leverages this reality to create a sustainable path forward.
A Vision for Israel and Religious Jews: Security, Sovereignty, and Expansion
This framework not only enhances Israeli security but aligns with the aspirations of traditionally-minded religious Jews by reinforcing Israel’s sovereignty over its ancestral lands and sacred sites. The dismantling of militant strongholds and the expulsion of Hamas-aligned clans reasserts Jewish rights to historic sites such as the Temple Mount, the Cave of the Patriarchs, and Joseph’s Tomb, ensuring unrestricted access and protection under Israeli governance.
Moreover, the establishment of new quasi-independent city-states opens opportunities for the expansion of Jewish communities and settlements in unpopulated areas of Judea, Samaria and Gaza. With security threats mitigated, long-standing restrictions on building new villages and expanding existing ones can be lifted, allowing Haredi and National Religious communities to flourish in accordance with Torah values and the commandment of settling the Land of Israel but more importantly, laying the groundwork for American and European Jews to return in a manner that works with their own cultural and economic expectations with the latitude to self-govern according to halacha, especially with regard to economic liberty.
By decentralizing Palestinian governance and integrating economic partnerships with Gulf states, this plan fosters conditions conducive to independent Jewish settlement growth, the preservation of cultural and religious sites, and the strengthening of Israel’s territorial integrity and at the same time defuses tension between religious and secular political groups in Israel.
Restorative Justice and the Reclamation of Jewish Rights
A crucial yet often overlooked element of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the historic injustice of the expulsion of over 850,000 Jews from Arab countries following the founding of the State of Israel in 1948. These Jewish communities, many of which had thrived for over 2,500 years across North Africa, the Levant, and the Arabian Peninsula, were systematically dispossessed and forced into the jurisdiction of the newly formed State of Israel to their detriment. This mass displacement represents one of the most significant, unresolved issues of post-colonial Middle Eastern history. Unfortunately, the dominance of secular European political Zionism in Israel ignored the deep cultural understanding borne by both the Sephardic and Mizrachi ingathering and the native Sephardic populations of Israel, stripping most of their unique identities and generational knowledge of how to exist in Arab societies and how to navigate among their clans and replacing their culture with largely secular Jewish Nationalism. Even within religious contexts, these silos of information were marginalized and discarded in favor of European modes of thought, which contributed to the perpetuation of the conflict by no small measure at the cost of reducing the social and economic standing of the Mizrachi Jews.
The proposed plan serves as a form of restorative justice by facilitating the expansion of Jewish settlements in unpopulated areas of Gaza and historic Judea and Samaria, reaffirming the Jewish people’s indigenous connection to the Land of Israel. The return to lands of ancestral significance not only rectifies historical wrongs but re-establishes the continuity of Jewish settlement that persisted throughout 1,300 years of contiguous Jewish presence under Islamic and Ottoman rule and ultimately back to the Roman Exile, 700 years prior to Islam.
This initiative signals to Arab states participating in the peace process that reconciliation and justice are mutual responsibilities. The active role of Saudi Arabia and the UAE in fostering Palestinian economic development while facilitating Jewish resettlement underscores a broader regional commitment to rectifying past injustices and forging a path toward genuine coexistence.
Of equal importance is the narrative that the West, the intellectual and cultural descendants of Rome, especially the United States under the second incoming Trump administration must appreciate, which is equally relatable to the American Left Wing and thus justifiable by their own standards – that Jews and Arabs must be allowed to right the historic wrongs thrust upon them by colonial powers and that ultimately, Jewish and Arab interests can be served only by justice and peace on their own terms and that restoration of Arab clan rule and sovereignty is the antithesis of genocide and forceable displacement and disenfranchisement. This is not so much a parallel of Manifest Destiny as it is a pure exercise in Social Justice for all parties.
In reinforcing Jewish historical and spiritual ties to the land, this plan bridges the gap between national security interests and religious imperatives, providing a tangible framework for advancing Israel’s mission of reclaiming and inhabiting the land in accordance with modern liberal constructs, but most notably, in accordance with halacha.
Addressing Instability Through Decentralization
Addressing Urban Instability: Deportation of Non-Residents
A crucial element in maintaining stability and social cohesion within Israel involves addressing the challenges posed by non-resident populations, particularly in urban centers like Tel Aviv. Recent statistics have highlighted the disproportionate involvement of Eritrean and Somali nationals in criminal activities, contributing to elevated crime rates and exacerbating social tensions in affected neighborhoods. The presence of these populations, often without permanent residency status, has strained municipal resources and fostered insecurity among long-term residents. The repatriation of these foreign nationals has been resisted by a belligerent but powerful Israeli judiciary, with nascent support by the American and European far Left. This is destructive to Israel’s largest population center and must be addressed as it undermines a Jewish State and in turn, any hope of coexisting with native born Arab communities in the long term.
This framework advocates for the structured deportation of individuals residing in Israel without legal status as a necessary measure to restore public order and protect the fabric of local communities. In South Tel Aviv, the concentration of non-resident populations has resulted in spikes in violent crime and property offenses, underscoring the urgency of comprehensive immigration enforcement.
By implementing repatriation initiatives, Israel reinforces its commitment to safeguarding urban environments while upholding lawful immigration processes. This approach aligns with broader national security objectives, ensuring that immigration policies serve the demographic and economic interests of the state. Moreover, addressing urban instability enhances the moral coherence of Israel’s policies in the West Bank and Gaza, reinforcing the principle of population management through legal and sovereign measures.
This deportation initiative reflects a broader effort to safeguard Israel’s urban environments while affirming the principle that immigration must align with the nation’s demographic and security interests. Moreover, addressing these challenges fortifies the moral legitimacy of Israel’s policies concerning population management in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, reinforcing the coherence of governance strategies across all territories.
The exile of six prominent clans aligned with Hamas represents the linchpin of this strategy, systematically dismantling the organization’s operational core. Simultaneously, members of Gaza’s diaspora, predominantly from neutral or opposition clans, will be repatriated to assume leadership, fostering local governance rooted in clan traditions. This initiative champions localized governance, allowing Palestinian clans to administer their own affairs, thereby ensuring accountability, cultural continuity, and effective dispute resolution through established tribal networks. It is a synergistic compromise in line with the oft mentioned demand of a “right of return” for descendants of Arabs who once resided in Israel prior to the War of Independence, but would be limited to a person for person exchange for exiled clans and following international norms, require vetting and demonstration of fitness to entry in terms of education, skills etc.
Israeli sovereignty will be preserved over Jerusalem, Jewish religious sites, and security-sensitive zones, reinforcing historical and strategic imperatives. Economic revitalization will be driven by Saudi Arabia and the UAE, transforming Gaza and the West Bank into hubs of regional trade and industry. Security will be maintained through clan-based security forces trained by Gulf-state advisors and overseen by Israel, critically by replacing the ineffective Palestinian Authority, ensuring internal stability and border control. Druze populations on the Syrian side of Mount Hermon have voiced a desire to be annexed by Israel, and this framework facilitates that possibility in earnest and serves as a model for serious consideration in Syria by the new leadership, especially in regards to Kurdish autonomy.
Parallel Halacha-Based Jewish City-States: A Vision of Coexistence and Restoration
An Economic Vision: Libertarian Commonwealths of Prosperity
In parallel with the political decentralization proposed by this framework, the economic foundation of these new city-states in Gaza, Judea and Samaria (and perhaps the Syrian demilitarized areas below Mount Hermon) will be modeled as libertarian commonwealths. This economic vision emphasizes minimal state intervention, low taxation, and a vibrant free-market environment designed to stimulate entrepreneurship, innovation, and cross-border trade. Both the Halacha-based Jewish city-states and the clan-governed Palestinian city-states will operate as quasi-autonomous economic zones, fostering a spirit of self-reliance and cooperation. This could also be considered for implementation in border areas in Israel’s north and south, where greater growth is needed.
These city-states will enjoy relative independence from the broader Israeli taxation scheme, enabling them to craft fiscal policies aligned with local needs and market demands. In practice, this translates into the reduction of bureaucratic red tape, the encouragement of private enterprise, and the development of local industries unencumbered by excessive regulation. Palestinian clans and Jewish communities alike will benefit from economic zones that prioritize business growth, reduce tariffs, and incentivize foreign investment.
Using the economic and political revitalization of Gibraltar throughout the 1960’s, 1970’s and 1980’s by Sir Joshua Hassan as an example of similar success under similar circumstances, it is clear that economics and self-governance have the potential to transform these territories into global hubs of finance, tourism, and international investment from more than regional partners even under the auspices of a “parent-state” without conflicts or threatening Arab clan interests or Israeli National interests, quite the contrary.
Such economic structures, inspired by historical models of mercantile city-states, will allow these regions to thrive as centers of commerce, trade, and agriculture. With Saudi and UAE backing in particular, infrastructure projects will facilitate robust economic corridors, connecting the new Jewish and Arab city-states to broader regional markets. This vision seeks to foster mutual prosperity, diminishing the economic incentives for conflict and reinforcing stability through shared financial interests. As an aside, to those who would argue that the Palestinian Authority is a viable pathway – the relative prosperity of the Arab population centers in Judea and Samaria is largely due to greater clan cohesion but has been stifled by the imposition of a corrupt and artificial central Palestinian Authority. This is recognized and resented by the local Arabs, feeding extremism, and perpetuating the dependence on the current structure by Israel and the PA.
The success of this plan draws not only from the parallel governance of Jewish and Arab city-states but also from the existing examples of diverse communities coexisting within Israel’s urban framework. Across Israel, clans from various backgrounds – including Druze, Bedouin, Christian Arabs, and Circassians – have maintained semi-autonomous governance structures while integrating into broader Israeli society. This serves as a living model for the viability of clan-based governance.
In cities such as Haifa and Jaffa, Christian and Muslim Arab communities have flourished, preserving distinct religious and cultural identities while contributing to Israel’s economic and civic landscape. The Druze communities in the Galilee and the Carmel have demonstrated unwavering loyalty to the State of Israel, balancing self-governance through religious councils with active participation in the Israeli Defense Forces and public service. Similarly, Bedouin tribes in the Negev manage local affairs through tribal councils, negotiating their integration into Israeli society while retaining traditional leadership structures.
These examples reinforce the notion that clan-based governance need not conflict with state sovereignty but can complement it, fostering mutual respect and coexistence. The proposed city-states in Judea, Samaria, and Gaza seek to emulate this model, allowing Jewish Halacha-based communities and Palestinian clans to coexist within a framework of shared economic interests and security cooperation.
Alongside the establishment of Palestinian clan-based city-states, this framework envisions the creation of Halacha-based Jewish city-states in newly settled and historically significant areas of Judea, Samaria, and Gaza. These autonomous communities, governed by Jewish religious law, independent of the Israeli Rabbinate, will foster vibrant centers of Torah study, commerce, and communal life and moreover, serve as a viable alternative to increasingly hostile and economically difficult conditions in the US and Europe. The two most significant barriers to settling the land for these Jewish groups, are the economic and social policies of Israel, and this removes that obstacle.
Each Jewish city-state will operate under rabbinic leadership, with Halacha guiding legal and social structures. Land reclamation and development projects will facilitate the construction of new villages and agricultural initiatives, breathing life into barren land in accordance with biblical mandates. Yeshivas and religious institutions will serve as anchors, nurturing Torah scholarship and spiritual growth. Local security forces aligned with the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) will safeguard these communities, ensuring their protection and bolstering regional stability. This will lead to a seismic import of wealth and self-sustaining communities accustomed to greater economic freedom and personal liberties than Israeli society, without the need to compromise in areas like education or commerce.
The coexistence of Jewish and Palestinian city-states will foster economic synergy, spiritual revival, and population growth, contributing to long-term regional peace and prosperity. In order to emphasize the feasibility of the plan, here is a summary of the eight Arab population centers which form the core of the framework, and contain over 80% of all Arabs within the borders of Israel, currently under the control of Hamas and the Palestinian Authority, their current clan leadership, and the alternative clans with the ability to exercise effective self-rule as leaders of newly independent city-states:
In Gaza City, the departure of the Al-Ja’abari clan, long associated with Hamas’ military operations, paves the way for the influential Shawa and Al-Hilu clans to assume governance. The Shawa clan, historically prominent in commerce and civic administration, will lead reconstruction efforts alongside the Al-Hilu family, known for its ties to education and municipal governance. Together, they are poised to bring stability and economic revitalization to Gaza’s capital.
In Khan Younis, the removal of the Abu Shamala clan, a significant pillar of Hamas’ military wing, creates space for the Al-Farra and Sha’ar clans to step into leadership roles. The Al-Farra clan, known for its economic pragmatism and agricultural expertise, will collaborate with the Sha’ar family, whose focus on trade and infrastructure aligns with regional development goals. This transition offers a chance to steer Khan Younis toward sustainable growth and security.
In Rafah, the exile of the Al-Batsh clan, deeply embedded in Hamas’ internal security apparatus, marks a turning point for governance. The Abu Taha clan, with longstanding influence over border trade and commerce, will partner with the Abu Jame clan to manage city affairs. The Abu Taha family’s experience in managing cross-border relations with Egypt positions Rafah as a key economic hub, while the Abu Jame clan’s strong tribal connections will ensure internal cohesion and effective governance.
In Hebron, the Qawasmeh and Ja’abari clans, known for their enduring prominence and deep roots in the city’s history, will continue to guide local governance. The Qawasmeh clan, with its extensive networks in trade and religious leadership, complements the Ja’abari family, which has historically acted as mediators and political influencers. Together, these clans ensure that Hebron remains a stable and thriving city, grounded in traditional leadership.
In Nablus, the Al-Masri clan, distinguished for its economic acumen and regional influence, alongside the Tuqan family, will spearhead governance. The Al-Masri family has long been central to commerce and civic development, while the Tuqan clan, with its lineage of political figures and intellectuals, will provide administrative stability. This combination reinforces Nablus as a center of economic growth and political balance.
In Ramallah, the Barghouti clan, celebrated for its leadership within Palestinian society, will continue to shape the city’s governance. The Barghouti family’s reputation for political engagement and tribal unity makes them natural leaders in both civil and economic affairs, positioning Ramallah as a hub of administrative strength and cultural development.
In Bethlehem, the Freij clan, representing one of the city’s most influential Christian families, will maintain governance, ensuring a harmonious blend of religious representation and economic vitality. Their longstanding ties to international Christian communities and local governance reflect Bethlehem’s unique position as a spiritual and economic cornerstone.
In Jenin, the Abu Bakr and Jaradat clans will share governance, drawing from their history of agricultural leadership and civic responsibility. The Abu Bakr family’s expertise in land management and the Jaradat clan’s influence in local security affairs create a complementary governance model, reinforcing Jenin’s resilience and growth.
In conclusion, this radically sensible proposal should serve as a framework for the ingathering of the Jewish exiles and the reconciliation of the Sons of Israel with the Sons of Ishmael in a way that addresses the reality of an otherwise intractable situation. With the current situation in the region in a miraculous state of flux, this is the logical way to restore order and pave the way for a Messianic Era of peace and prosperity and the eventual rebuilding of the Beit Ha Mikdash may it be soon, and in our days.
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